inclusion of large, or considerable, non-Polish elements in it ? I wonder.
Mr. A. Bevan : On the West, too.?
Mr. Eden : The assumption in regard to the West is that the populations
shall be removed. That is the whole basis. In most cases, I can tell the
hon. Gentleman they have gone already. ... I should have said that there
were two weaknesses in the Polish State, as it existed before the war. One
was these very considerable minority elements, who came frequently and
made their complaints before the International Tribunal at Geneva, and
the other was the Corridor. . . .
May I ask them this ? Which Poland would be stronger—the Poland
with Wilno and with the Corridor as it was, or a Poland without Wilno
and without the Corridor ? . . . I believe it may still be found . . . that
the new Poland, when so constituted, will be as strong as, or stronger than,
the Poland that existed in 1939. That depends, of course, on how the
agreement is carried out.
Therefore, I turn to that, and to the setting up of the new Government.
I was asked . , . why it was that, when we approached this problem in
the Crimea., we did not make an end of the Lublin Government, as it were,
ec de-recognise " the Lublin Government and <f de-recognise " the Govern-
ment here, and start entirely afresh. Of course, that is an attractive
suggestion, and it was, in fact, the point from which we started our
examination of the matter, but this is the difficulty with which we were
faced. The Russians said to us, and it is inescapable, that they must have
some authority on their lines of communication through Poland. Whether
we like or dislike the Lublin Committee—and personally I say I dislike it
—for the moment it is the authority which is functioning there in fulfilling
the requirements of the Russian military authorities. What they said to us
was,cc We do not know how long it will take to form a new Polish Govern-
ment ; it may take weeks, it may take months." I do not know, either.
. . . During that time there could not be a vacuum in Poland, and so it is
that we agreed, eventually, that, pending the creation of the new Government
—and I beg the House to note that the phrase cc new Government " occurs
twice in the Declaration—the Soviet Government will continue to recognise
the Lublin Government and we and the United States will continue to
recognise the Government here. . . .
The right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood) yesterday
complained that we had taken our decision, or come to our agreement,
behind the back of the Polish Government. As I understand his argument,
it was that we ought to have summoned the Polish Government to our
councils in Yalta when we reached a certain point in our discussions and
talked matters over with them. Of course, we thought of it. Let me
therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman which Polish Government were we
to summon ? Were we to summon the Lublin Government, for both we
and the United States Government hold that that Government is not fully
representative of the Polish people ? Or were we to summon the Govern-
ment here in London, which the Soviet Government hold is not
representative of the Polish people ? Or were we to summon both
Governments ? . . . We could not bring them all to Yalta; if we had
done, no doubt we should still be there. It was impossible to do that, and
so we decided to appoint this Commission to carry through the task for us.
. . . Is it our desire that Poland should be really and truly free ? Yes,
certainly, most certainly it is. In examining that Government, if and when
it is brought together, it will be for us and our Allies to decide whether
that Government is really and truly., as far as we can judge, representative
of the Polish people. Our recognition must depend upon that. We would